When some voices from Oyo continue to speak through an inherited empire mindset, it becomes necessary for Ago-Oja to respond with documented history—history grounded in weight, context, and chronology.

The frequent invocation of The History of the Yorubas must not be selective. If the text is to be treated as authoritative, then it must be read fully and honestly. The same work often cited to defend imperial continuity also records facts that complicate, and in places contradict, that narrative.
If modern Oyo seeks to shoulder the psychological legacy of Old Oyo’s imperial glory, then historical clarity is required. Old Oyo (Oyo-Ilé) was the ancestral imperial capital. Ago-Oja was not founded by Atiba; it existed before his arrival. Atiba’s stated aim was a temporary settlement, pending the hoped-for recovery of ancestral lands.

History must not be romanticized.


It must be ordered.
Atiba’s Arrival at Ago-Oja Reconsidered

A careful and sober reading of Johnson leads to an unavoidable conclusion: Atiba did not arrive at Ago-Oja as a reigning Alaafin presiding over a functioning empire. He arrived as a displaced prince a survivor of imperial collapse.

1. Collapse Preceded Migration
By the early nineteenth century, Old Oyo had already fallen, weakened by internal instability and external pressures. The imperial capital was abandoned. Institutions fractured. The royal household scattered.
There was no intact imperial machinery relocating.
There was no stable throne transferred.
The empire had already disintegrated.
History must begin there.
2. Ago-Oja Was Not Empty Land
The very name Ago-Oja “Oja’s camp” or settlement signals prior occupation and identity. The settlement existed before Atiba’s migration.
Yoruba history consistently reflects layered settlement patterns:
Early settlers establish communities.
Later political authorities may consolidate or elevate them.
Political supremacy is not synonymous with the first settlement.
Atiba did not found a wilderness. He entered an inhabited space and initially submitted to the authority he encountered there.
3. Relocation Is Not Founding
Johnson describes Atiba’s movement as a strategic relocation in the midst of crisis. What followed was consolidation gathering populations, reorganizing authority, and rebuilding political structure.
This was state reconstruction, not original settlement.
The transformation of Ago-Oja into a political center represented:
Strategic restoration
Political elevation
Reconstructed authority
It did not represent the birth of the settlement.
4. Authority Was Rebuilt, Not Transferred Intact
The claim that Atiba “arrived as Alaafin” implies uninterrupted sovereignty from Old Oyo to Ago-Oja. Johnson’s chronology does not support this simplification.
Atiba’s authority emerged gradually. It was negotiated, contested, consolidated, and strengthened within a fragmented post-collapse landscape. His legitimacy was rebuilt in exile.
He became Alaafin within a reconstituted order not as the seated monarch of a functioning empire, but as a determined prince rebuilding power from ruins, for his own lineage, not for the wider household of Oranmiyan.
5. Chronology Resolves the Debate
The sequence is clear:
Old Oyo fell.
The royal household scattered.
Atiba migrated.
Ago-Oja already existed.
Authority was reconstructed there by Atiba for his lineage, not for the original imperial household.
Settlement preceded relocation.
Reconstruction followed the collapse.
Elevation came after refuge.
Acknowledging this does not diminish Atiba’s achievements. On the contrary, it renders them historically intelligible. His rise was not automatic inheritance; it was forged in crisis and strategy.
History demands precision, not sentiment.
Atiba did not arrive as a crowned monarch presiding over uninterrupted sovereignty.
He arrived as a displaced prince seeking refuge who later rebuilt authority in a land that already had a name and a history.
This is not revisionism.
It is chronology.


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